The candidate for UNO was Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, a member of the original Junta de Reconstrucción Nacional (National Reconstruction Junta) and widow of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro, assassinated by Somoza on January 10, 1978. Article. For much of the 20th century, Central America was plagued by revolution and war. the Nicaraguan people, substantial foreign assistance, and a clear policy agenda, the Sandinistas failed. Thus, a division of tasks took place: The Contras and the genocidal armies attacked with weapons and the Contadora group went on the offensive with diplomatic papers. "Article 1 of the Agrarian Reform Law says that property is guaranteed if it laboured efficiently and that there could be different forms of property: The principles that presided Agrarian Reform were the same ones for the Revolution: pluralism, national unity and economic democracy."[20]. These groups were demanding a larger share of self-determination and/or autonomy but the FSLN refused to grant this and began using forced reelocations and armed force to address these grievences. It also laid the ground for international verification procedures and provided a timetable for implementation. They did this with the help of U.S. companies, for which Somoza served as a partner, intermediary, and lieutenant. Groups from the National Patriotic Front: United People’s Movement, Independent Liberal Party, Group of Twelve, Social Christian People’s Party, Nicaraguan Workers’ Central (CTN), Workers’ Front, Union of Radio Journalists. While this complex process is beyond the scope of this article, it is important to note that the main objective behind the negotiations was the dismantling Central American revolutions. They said that to “achieve peace,” the Central American states continued to “request [that] regional or extraregional governments that support anti-government armed movements cease that support; they call for a cease-fire and commit themselves to prevent the use of their territories for destabilizing actions against other governments.” This agreement was not signed by Panama, the location of one of U.S.’s most important military bases in the Western Hemisphere. Things didn’t work out that way. David Close & Salvador Marti Puig (2010) "The Sandinistas and Nicaragua, 1979-2009" NY: Lynne Rienner. The Contras, heavily backed up by the CIA and, although secretly, opened a "second front" in the Atlantic coast and Costa Rican borders of the country. All sectors of the economy of Nicaragua were determined, in great part if not all, by the Somozas or the officials and adepts surrounding the regime, whether it was directly owning agricultural brands and trusts, or actively setting them to local or foreign hands. When promised U.S. economic aid was delayed by Congress, the new revolutionary government turned to other nations, particularly Cuba, for advisers and technicians, and intensified the disapproval of American foreign policy in Latin America. So the U.S. government rebuilt the state apparatus in Nicaragua by setting up the National Guard, and propping up Somoza in the service of the U.S. empire. It has been 40 years since the Nicaraguan Revolution. The movement galvanized the working class and peasant masses, and thousands of young people joined the ranks of the FSLN. Portugal LEE SUSTAR assesses the legacy of the Nicaraguan Revolution, which took place 25 years ago this month. The disarmament of the fighters and the electoral processes were agreed upon by the negotiation committees in which the leadership of the FSLN participated, the leadership of the Salvadoran guerrilla army under the sponsorship of Castro and Soviet diplomacy, and the bourgeois governments of Latin America and the United States. The Nicaraguan Revolution I. Then came the policy of counterrevolutionary “peace.”. In the ten years prior to the overthrow of the Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979, US television - all networks - devoted exactly one hour to Nicaragua, and that was entirely on the Managua earthquake of 1972. [26], Upon taking office in January 1981 Ronald Reagan cancelled the dispersal of economic aid to Nicaragua[27] and on 6 August 1981 he signed National Security Decision Directive number 7 which authorized the production and shipment of arms to the region but not their deployment. Panama (under Manuel Noriega) During the 1970s, a great upheaval of the mass movement was reflected in the major strikes of 1973 and 1974, which were fiercely repressed. There were coup d'etats, uprisings, and dictatorships. The Nicaraguan revolution of 1979 inaugurated a violent decade of civil strife that has affected North American political relations for the past 40 years. First published in Spanish on July 21 in Ideas de Izquierda. That is why the United States was determined to crush the revolution in Nicaragua, which, if extended, could have spread to the whole of Central America, as was already happening in El Salvador. A donation of any size helps us continue our work. While preventing any action by the Salvadoran fighters on its territory, the government made more agreements with sectors of the Contras, as well as with the counterrevolutionary bourgeoisie itself. United States, Saudi Arabia[1][2] The National Guard broke into pieces and was defeated. This represented about 75 percent of all land distributed to peasants since 1980. After the triumph of the revolution, some Trotskyist sectors oriented themselves exclusively toward the constitution of independent unions, an issue that the FSLN leadership did not tolerate, as it attempted to organize everything under its own structures and political leadership. This group was promoted by the Socialist Workers’ Party (PST) of Colombia, an organization led by the Argentine Trotskyist Nahuel Moreno. Third World . In January 1978, the journalist Pedro Joaquín Chamorro was assassinated. The Somoza family became Nicaragua’s richest, accumulating wealth through … A year after agreeing to free elections, Nicaragua’s leftist Sandinista government loses at the polls. 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The Nicaraguan government decided to move the elections to February 1990 and to accept the proposed modifications to the 1988. Nicaraguan Revolution. Castro asserted that Nicaragua will not become another Cuba: There are many questions now. The GRNN was composed of two high representatives of the bourgeoisie: Violeta Chamorro, the widow of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro, and Alfonso Robelo Callejas; two representatives of the FSLN, Daniel Ortega and Moisés Hernán; and finally, one representative of the center and the professional sectors, Sergio Ramírez Mercado. Professors of Latin American studies may find it useful as a textbook for their classes. Nicaraguan historian and leading social investigator Roberto J. Cajina describes UNO as follows: "Since the very moment of inception, under the political guidance and technical and financial support from the government of the US, the existence of UNO was marked by grave structural deformations, derived from its own nature. Although it did not engage in classic intervention, it organized and financed a major counterrevolutionary war that forced an already weakened country to use significant material and human resources to confront it. While this is not correct, Somoza or his adepts did own or give away banks, ports, communications, services and massive amounts of land.[17]. This alliance would only be possible through tireless fights against the influence of the liberal bourgeoisie, including those opposed to the Somoza dictatorship. The spontaneous insurrections, the fierce resistance of the population and the attacks by the FSLN made the National Guard retreat and largely limit itself to strict defense of its barracks and to the defense of Somoza’s bunker.” Finally, Somoza left the government. Overall in the revolution, from 1978-1989, around 40,000 people were killed, and the country was ravaged by the guerrilla warfare. Minnesota is a Blue State. The Sandinista government submitted to all these negotiations and placed the Contras and the bourgeoisie on an equal footing with the thousands of fighters, workers, and poor peasants fighting for their national liberation in El Salvador through the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). [28] On 17 November 1981, President Reagan signed National Security Directive 17, and authorized covert support to anti-Sandinista forces. By the 1960s, however, a differentiation began to develop in the ranks of the bourgeoisie. "Paradoxes from an heterogeneous and fragile electoral Alliance", Articles with unsourced statements from November 2014, Articles needing clarification from August 2015, Articles incorporating text from Wikipedia, Sandinista National Liberation Front#Sandinistas vs. Contras, Foreign policy of the Ronald Reagan administration, "The Contras' Valley Forge: How I View the Nicaragua Crisis", http://www.justice.gov/oig/special/9712/appa.htm, http://articles.chicagotribune.com/1987-05-14/news/8702050775_1_contra-aid-reagan-and-fahd-saudi-arabia, http://books.google.ie/books?id=VyqOhCUb66AC&pg=PA21&lpg=PA21&dq=cuba+assistance+fsln&source=bl&ots=p-09UO4MB4&sig=BOTkmO7QFTQBR0ljjXX01NZ_Nac&hl=en&ei=jzkdSv7zKYPR-AavjMTDCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3, http://books.google.ie/books?id=wtebWixsIdYC&pg=PA184&lpg=PA184&dq=cuba+assistance+fsln&source=bl&ots=PoWGOlfqka&sig=h4boRqnTv-ixnNL9c4zTAX0tilU&hl=en&ei=jzkdSv7zKYPR-AavjMTDCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=4, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+bg0225), "Mexico's Support of the Sandinista Revolution", http://www.revistas.unal.edu.co/index.php/achsc/article/download/23186/23925/, http://www.ucdp.uu.se/gpdatabase/gpcountry.php?id=117®ionSelect=4-Central_Americas#, "The PRIO Battle Deaths Dataset, 1946-2008, Version 3.0: Documentation of Coding Decisions", http://www.prio.no/Global/upload/CSCW/Data/PRIObd3.0_documentation.pdf, http://books.google.se/books?id=FJe87T4G0w0C&pg=PA657&lpg=PA657&dq=Managua+riots+of+January+%221978%22&source=bl&ots=Yl1UJtZnu4&sig=UmoGTiU9FZhyOZRMJp_rIEQAvFY&hl=en&sa=X&ei=ddgIUr6mFYePswbBnoGwAQ&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Managua%20riots%20of%20January%20%221978%22&f=false, http://faostat.fao.org/faostat/help-copyright/copyright-e.htm, http://web.archive.org/web/20070703020810/http://portal.unesco.org/education/en/file_download.php/67b39f3aaf8f20da06be3c6a4e4c6dfeHanemann_U.doc, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001459/145937e.pdf, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/reference/Scanned%20NSDDS/NSDD7.pdf, http://articles.latimes.com/1985-03-05/news/mn-12633_1_harbor-mining, http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/november/5/newsid_2538000/2538379.stm, http://pdba.georgetown.edu/Elecdata/Nica/nica90.html, Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives, https://military.wikia.org/wiki/Nicaraguan_Revolution?oldid=5186540, First phase (1979): confiscation of property owned by Somocists and its adepts, Second phase (1981): Agrarian Reform Law of July 19, 1981, Third phase (1984–1985): massive cession of land individually, responding to demands from peasantry, Fourth phase (1986): Agrarian Reform Law of 1986, or "reform to the 1981 Law", Daniel Ortega, Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) – 66.97%, Clemente Guido, Democratic Conservative Party (PCD) – 14.04%, Virgilio Godoy, Independent Liberal Party (PLI) – 9.60%, Mauricio Diaz, Popular Social Christian Party (PPSC) – 5.56%, Allan Zambrana, Nicaraguan Communist Party (PCdeN) – 1.45%, Domingo Sánchez Sancho, Nicaraguan Socialist Party (PSN) – 1.31%, Isidro Téllez, Marxist-Leninist Popular Action Movement (MAP-ML) – 1.03%, 2 Communists: PSN (pro-Moscow) and PC de Nicaragua (pro-Albania). In 1975 and 1976, the government’s repression became increasingly bloody; it assassinated a founder of the FSLN, Carlos Fonseca Amador. The country was left crumbled … u.s. involvement in the nicaraguan revolution In the 1980s, tensions developed quickly between the leftist Sandinistas and the U.S. government. To this end, it transformed Honduras into a landing strip for U.S. aircraft carriers, as the local headquarters of the Contras, the CIA, and the Pentagon. The Reagan administration had launched an openly interventionist policy of counterrevolution. According to Proyect, the agrarian reform had the twofold purpose of increasing the support for the government among the campesinos, and guaranteeing ample food delivery into the cities. Aftermath of 1959 A. U.S. government determined after 1959 to prevent successful leftist revolutions B. The FSLN increasingly took control of the government but without changing its strategic orientation toward class collaboration. Philippines, Supported by [citation needed]. [9] The Somoza Regime, which included the Nicaraguan National Guard, a force highly trained by the U.S. military, used torture, extra-judicial killings, intimidation and censorship of the press in order to combat the FSLN attacks. There was a mass revolt in response. Salvador Martí Puig "Nicaragua. Honduras Israel The Revolution faced a rural economy well behind in technology and, at the same time, devastated by the guerrilla warfare and the soon to come civil war against the Contras. Stalinism and Castroism made the most strenuous efforts to first limit and then contain the Central American revolution. Schmidli, William Michael, “‘The Most Sophisticated Intervention We Have Seen’: The Carter Administration and the Nicaraguan Crisis, 1978–1979,”. But what turned the situation around was the spontaneous insurrectional movement  in the neighborhoods of Managua on June 10. The entire responsibility for the war, the public administration and the functions of the government passed into the hands of the invading army. Members of ARDE Frente Sur taking a smoke break after routing the FSLN garrison at El Serrano in southeast Nicaragua in 1987. E. Krall / Flickr / Creative Commons With the FSLN in charge, the Somoza dictatorship might have been gone, but that didn’t mean democracy was going to return to Nicaragua. Second, it sought a resolution to the land question. Undoubtfully, the most important was the planning and execution of the Nicaraguan Literacy Campaign (Cruzada Nacional de Alfabetización). The agreement was named for Esquipulas, Guatemala, where the initial meetings took place. The Nicaraguans revolted because they had a brutal and corrupt dictator. Supported by In 1975 and 1976, the government’s repression became increasingly bloody; it assassinated a founder of the FSLN, Carlos Fonseca Amador. [16], The Revolution brought down the burden the Somocista regime had imposed upon the Nicaraguan economy and that had seriously deformed the country creating a big and modern head, Managua, where Somoza's power would emanate to all corners of the territory, and then an almost semifeudalist rural economy with few productive goods, such as cotton, sugar and other tropical agricultural products. By merging with the guerrilla forces of the FSLN, they planned to make sure that the National Guard had a space in the new government. [27], An armed conflict soon arose, adding to the destabilization of the region which had been unfolding through the Central American civil wars in El Salvador and Guatemala. In August, 25 Terceristas disguised as National Guardsmen assaulted the National Palace and took the entire Nicaraguan Congress hostage. But one of the blows to the Nicaraguan revolution came from Cuba and the politics of Fidel Castro. The Trotskyists organized the Simón Bolívar Internationalist Brigade to fight for the revolution. And groups from the Higher Council of Private Enterprise (COSEP): Nicaraguan Development Institute (INDE), Nicaraguan Chamber of Industries (CADIN), Nicaraguan Chamber of Commerce, Nicaraguan Union of Agricultural Producers (UPANIC), Nicaraguan Chamber of Construction. For FSLN, the same formula that won the 1984 General Elections was presenting its candidacy for a new term: Daniel Ortega for President of Nicaragua, and Sergio Ramírez for Vicepresident. The Nicaraguan working class, although not very numerous relative to the total population, played a prominent role in this revolution even though they did not advance to form their own organs of power⁠—nor did any organization exist before, during, or after that could guide them in this direction. By not fulfilling the fundamental demands that the Nicaraguan revolution had called for, such as the agrarian revolution, the expropriation of the bourgeoisie, and national liberation, the Sandinista government lost ground in the midst of a crisis provoked by the U.S. war of economic harassment and sabotage and by the Contras. They were going after the Somoza-owned bank. Because they sought to organize independent unions, those who were not Nicaraguans were expelled from the country by the FSLN, handed over to the Panamanian police at the border and subsequently tortured and deported back to their countries. The destruction caused by the revolution was worsened by the brazen actions of the Contras, such as the destruction of infrastructure and the bombardments in places like Puerto Corinto. Washington, Somoza and the Sandinistas: Stage and Regime in US Policy toward Nicaragua 1969–1981, Author: Morris H. Morley, Published: August 2002, ISBN 9780521523356, pg. Although the Carter Administration had attempted to work with FSLN in 1979 and 1980 the more right-wing Reagan Administration supported a strong anti-communist strategy for dealing with Latin America and attempted to issolate the Sandinista regime. On June 4, the mass organizations and the FSLN declared a general strike that paralyzed the whole country. Many of the initial Contras were former members of the Somoza regime's National Guard unit and many were still loyal to Somoza who was living in exile in Honduras. For this reason, after President Reagan’s election, the imperialist counteroffensive began, organizing the “contra” (counterrevolutionary) mercenary armies. To do so, it was necessary to completely destroy Sandino’s army, massacre the peasants who supported him, and assassinate Sandino himself, who by then was known as the General of Free Men. Although it had the existing military base in Panama, the United States built a new one in Honduras as a way of destroying the revolution. Yet the entire bourgeois sector that was part of the new government or part of the opposition to Somoza was kept intact. Economic reforms overall needed to rescue out of limbo the inefficient and helpless Nicaraguan economy. 106. evolution of demography in Nicaragua (1961-2003), Data FAOSTAT. This had the disastrous consequence of keeping Nicaragua isolated and slowing down new Central American revolutionary processes. The Nicaraguan Revolution . The revolution killed approximately 50,000 people and the Nicaraguan economy was in ruins. 1980 - Somoza assassinated in Paraguay. During 1985, ceremonies were held throughout the countryside in which Daniel Ortega would give each peasant a title to the land and a rifle to defend it. It also founded an Instituto de Estudios del Sandinismo (Institute for Studies of Sandinismo) where it printed all of the work and papers of Augusto C. Sandino and those that cemented the ideologies of FSLN as well, such as Carlos Fonseca, Ricardo Morales Avilés and others. All sectors of the economy were restructured, actually heading into a mixed economy system. In 1961 José Carlos Fonseca Amador, Silvio Mayorga, and Tomás Borge Martínez formed the FSLN and with the help of students the organization gathered support from peasants and anti-Somoza elements within Nicaraguan society as well as from the Communist Cuban government, the leftist Panamanian government of Omar Torrijos and the Venezuelan government of Carlos Andrés Pérez. It is from this perspective and the strategy of permanent revolution that we analyze the revolution in Nicaragua. In this sense, once in power as the leader of the democratic revolution against imperialism and for land reform, the proletariat would find itself faced with the need to transform bourgeois property rights—that is, the need to expropriate the bourgeoisie—and to transform the democratic revolution directly into a socialist one. Furthermore, there were massive literacy campaigns, universal public health systems, the recognition of land occupations and decrees of expropriation of idle or uncultivated land. Of the 1,551,597 citizens registered in July, 1,170,142 voted (75.41%). It accepted a general election plan in which those who financed and organized the counterrevolution could participate normally. Nicaragua: Revolution and restoration ... local Nicaraguan actors often outmaneuvered U.S. diplomats. Quarterly 17.2 (1996): 207-327. “Liberated zones” emerged in the capital. The Revolution marked a significant period in Nicaraguan history and revealed the country as one of the major proxy war battlegrounds of the Cold War with the events in the country rising to international attention. Jacobinism was not a betrayal of the Radical Enlightenment and the French Revolution. Then began the disarmament of the population and the strengthening of an army, the Sandinista People’s Army (EPS). The End And The Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution, Second Edition, Revised And Updated (Westview Special Studies on Latin America and the Caribbean) [Booth, John A] on Amazon.com. It waged one of the most complex and bloody counterinsurgency wars in the history of Latin America. Letzterer Zeitraum ist geprägt vom Contra-Krieg. University of Texas, National Security Decision Directive number 7. At this point, the mass movement itself was in full swing, with large workers’ strikes in hospitals and other areas, including the private sector. In May 1986, a summit meeting, "Esquipulas I," took place, attended by the five Central American presidents. In this context, it was necessary to establish a revolutionary alliance between the working class and the peasants under the political leadership of a revolutionary party of workers. The result is clear: Even after years of heroic combat, during which almost 300,000 fighters died, imperialist “order” prevails in Central America. 30th anniversary of the Nicaraguan revolution of 1978–79. Argentina Brazil Mexico Chile Spain France Germany Uruguay Venezeula Bolivia Italy Costa Rica Peru. The Nicaraguan Agrarian Reform developed into four phasesthis aspect alone of the Nicaraguan Revolution should be developed into a new article: In 1985, the Agrarian Reform distributed 235,000 acres (950 km2) of land to the peasantry. The era of Somoza family rule was characterized by strong U.S. support for the government and its military[13] as well as a heavy reliance on U.S. based multi-national corporations. The capitalists, even the liberal ones opposed to the Somoza dictatorship, were unwilling to break with imperialism and expropriate the Somoza family as they profited too much from this relationship. In the 1970s the FSLN began a campaign of kidnappings which led to national recognition of the group in the Nicaraguan media and solidifaction of the group as a force in opposition to the Somoza Regime. President Reagan dealt with the Nicaraguan revolution by suspending indefinitely all United States aid to Nicaragua until the revolution died down first. (exact transcription and translation of the names of these political parties needed), Interveiw with Morris H. Morley, 17 October 1988. [12] Democratic elections in 1990 resulted in the election of a majority of anti-sandinista parties and FSLN leaving power. Throughout the previous three years, the Nicaraguan working class carried out general strikes, dozens of partial strikes, and ultimately an insurrectionary strike that included hundreds of armed workers in the neighborhoods and in the countryside, many of them as FSLN fighters. Then, imperialism could play a role in helping to erect a new bourgeois regime. [14] Following the riots and general strike on January 23–24 called for the end of the Somoza regime and was, according to the U.S. State Department staff at the U.S. Embassy, successful at shutting around 80% of businesses in not only Managua but also the provincial capitals of Leon, Granada, Chinandega, and Matagalpa.[14]. The rise of the masses precipitated the decomposition of the regime and shattered the margins for maneuvering that the native bourgeoisie and imperialism needed to find a way out of this crisis. The literacy campaign used secondary school students, university students as well as teachers as volunteer teachers. International observers declared the elections free and fair,[30] despite the fact the Reagan administration denounced it as a "Soviet style sham". Italics of "properties" are from this editor. It was a petty-bourgeois nationalist organization that launched a guerrilla war against the Somoza regime using this tactic as its main political strategy. The great paradox of this revolution is that the representatives of capital were present in the government Junta, in the ministries, in the administrative apparatus of the state, and in the Central Bank. In February 1990, the Sandinistas suffered a heavy defeat by the bourgeois parties with Violeta Chamorro heading a mega-electoral coalition that even included the Communist Party of Nicaragua. [29] The 1987 Iran Contra Affair placed the Reagan Administration again at the center of secret support for the Contras. "Agrarian Productive Structure in Nicaragua", Ib. Dodson, Michael, and Laura Nuzzi O'Shaughnessy (1990). From the perspective of political realism, looking at the overall effect that the U. S. had on the Nicaraguan revolution and the economic power demonstrated, several assumptions can be drawn about the U. S. during this time period. There was a strong U.S. military presence from 1911 to 1933, and it was those troops who built the genocidal National Guard and put at its head Anastasio Somoza García. [9] By the 1970s the Leninist-oriented organization was strong enough to launch a military effort against the Somoza regime. Nicaragua is going to become a new Nicaragua [prolonged applause], which is something quite different. The U.S. made attempts to reach an agreement to reinstitute the Guardia Nacional fairly but the rebels would accept only complete surrender. The action failed to achieve its objectives because the FSLN lacked coordination. Their objective was to reach “peace” agreements to dismantle the revolutionary processes of Central America. The leadership of the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA) in France met on September 28–29. Contras (1979–1990) *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. ", On 22 August 1978 the FSLN staged a massive kidnapping operation in which they took around 2,000 hostages at the National Palace in Managua. On July 19, the FSLN forces entered the capital and installed the Government Junta. Colombian writer Laura Restrepo outlines how Somoza, in coalition with other families, managed 364 monopolies, which included banks as well as air, sea, and land transportation companies. [9], In early 1979 the Organization of American States supervised negotiations between the FSLN and the government however these broke down when it became clear that the Somoza regime had no intention of allowing for democratic elections to take place. Three heroic fighters were killed. 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